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An interview with Mr. He recounted his life history before getting married: So, I had to change to selling ice cream. Their traditions are put on trial in various ways.
Set said in a sad tone of voice: As a result, I suffer from asthma with water in my lungs. But they also face many risks when they start out on the global labor migration journey. First, let us hear the story of a returnee who went to work in Malaysia under the labor export policy: So she applied and went to Malaysia as an export laborer in , but low wages in a Chinese Malaysian factory manufacturing clothes led her to end the contract early.
She escaped to a small Malay garment factory where she was accepted by a sympathetic employer. When asked whether he asked for her passport and visa upon arrival, she said: Yes, I showed him my visa, and a copy of my passport, because the original was held by the Chinese owner.
I told him about my whole situation. Then he took pity on me because of our shared Muslim faith, and hired me to work there, also stitching and earning by piece rates. But I earned 4 times more than what I earned in that Chinese Malaysian factory. Through friends, she learned about how to return to Vietnam through Thailand and Cambodia. She had to borrow Ringgit from friends. When asked how this escape happened, she told me: Yes, on both sides of the road.
We had 6 to 7 people in the car. The road was completely empty with forests on both sides. We heard about vicious robbers who killed to rob people. When I got home, everyone was there to greet me… a full house! While she survived this harrowing escape, she still was in debt for 20 million VND.
Another risk is about the house raids in Malaysia. House raids by police tend to be more prevalent in areas suspected of having illegal migrants.
Rohsa, the husband of Masa shared: Of course we stayed there [Malaysia] illegally. From 7am to 5 pm, I sold ice cream at school gates [it was OK to sell ice cream there] and walked to each household in deep alley ways. The government only did house raids in areas where they know that illegal workers mizan nus.
The Cham Muslim Migrants … 25 stayed. My goodness, we crawled; we evaded; we hid. When the police came, we left all our belongings there and only took our children with us to hide in nearby places and only returned home when the police left.
There is plenty of evidence that the Cham have dreams and aspirations, such as wanting to learn more and to be teachers Ms. Saphi , and to be creative in order to make a living for their extended families. However, much fewer expressions of structural empowerment have been found.
Occasionally, the Cham participate in short-term collective actions to demand basic living and working conditions in solidarity with other ethnic groups such as in the daily wage strike below. At other times, they engage in individual acts of courage by standing up to the bosses in Malaysia and Vietnam to have two prayer times with pay at work. Network, Trust, Childcare Like other ethnic groups, many Cham workers are expected to send money home to help feed their parents and siblings at home.
This practice depends on trust. They had settled in Malaysia, established some enterprises, and needed assistance with their businesses and childcare at their homes.
While these networks provided short-term employment, migrant workers had no future guarantee of stable employment nor did they learn marketable skills to escape poverty upon returning home to Vietnam. Sary, 20 years old was recruited by her aunt, who was already in Malaysia, because she needed childcare and assistance with selling fabrics. Several Cham couples talked about how to deal with childcare while they are constantly on the move, either crisscrossing Vietnam or crossing the borders.
When their children are small, the whole family husbands, wives, and their infant mizan nus. Tran children would travel together.
The couple, Ms. Masa and Mr. Rohsa, mentioned above, did exactly that with their four children. Keeping up with Traditions with Creativity There is evidence of a return to one of their traditions—sewing—as well as positive gender bonding which promotes creativity. I interviewed Ms. She is a Kinh who married into a Cham family and converted to the Muslim religion, voluntarily adopting Cham traditional practices, including having a Cham name.
She said: The reason is that Cham clothing is very complex with many designs; one formal dress would cost at least 80, VND [about 4 USD]; the praying dress would cost even more: Therefore, learning how to sew is not only gaining a marketable skill, but also convenient and useful for most Cham women.
And the local labor department funds these classes: Salay and introduced us so that we could interview her see her success story below. She also drew our attention to a mosque specially built for women, which we visited at the end of our interviews. As such, she does not only empower them with a skill that can earn them an income in addition to small-scale trade which does not bring them much money , but also to prosper relatively, as seen in the success story of one of the informants.
Salay, an entrepreneurial year-old Cham woman, demonstrates a clear case of self-empowerment. Salay shows how hard work, resilience, and creativity pay off not only for her own wellbeing but also for her extended family.
Then with some seed money, she bought more machines and employed her siblings to help her sew to meet orders from both Vietnam and Malaysia. Her mother announced proudly: This experience has empowered her with social capital such as language skills, networks, and trust with Malaysians.
She gets along well with the Malaysian Muslims and said: I had worked in Malaysia for 6 years but can never afford to save much.
But with low wages about 2. This has proven to be a smart move: When asked where and how she gets her fabrics, she said: At the beginning, I have no seed money, so I had to work for other people. Then I took orders from other people to sew at home tailoring , earning about 40—50, VND per suit.
But I also receive tailoring orders from our neighbors. I send them to Malaysia and save up money to download more stitching machines. I sew according to existing standardized sizes from the clothes that my aunt sells in Malaysia. But there are always clothes left unsold. But she emphasizes the need for more capital to expand and open her own tailoring shop. Indebtedness of the Labor Export Policy For the Cham who participated in the labor export policy, most of them suffer a cycle of virtual indebtedness.
First, let us review the loan policy and its consequences. In my January interview with Mr. They have three policies to provide relief for these families: But Mr. G had refused to see me after numerous attempts to ask for a follow-up meeting. In many cases, when workers send money home to their parents, intended to repay the debts, their parents used it for another purpose i.
But a wise Cham parent a Kinh man who married a Cham woman provides a counterpoint. He offered an excellent insight into this lingering question about debts: This couple owns their house and makes a living by being the distributor of blankets and nets, stored in their sizable living room. Refusing to Pay the Loans to Work in Malaysia Most of the migrant returnees had had their parents sign their loan documents and claimed that they did not pay attention to the terms of these loans.
Interestingly, all seven cases of the Cham returnees who participated in the labor export policy have refused to repay any of the loans. We interviewed six parents and one worker herself who had signed the loan documents.
Most had borrowed 20 million VND. But all the parents have refused to pay the 20 million VND debt. Tran Malaysia. However, the workers and their families are responsible for the whole loan amount. Evidence of a vicious cycle of poverty abounds. We found desperate cases in which both the parents and their offsprings continue to be in deep poverty and have no way to repay the loans.
Her only prized property is a small house without any land. When I asked whether the government had come to her house to ask for debt repayment, she looked sad and worried: There were many people also left for Malaysia like my son.
Mostly poor people, not having enough money to eat, never mind repaying the debt. Her son Mr. Pha remains deep in poverty: Some other cases demonstrate that while the offsprings have gone on to work in the big cities, the parents still refused to pay back the loans. We talked to the father of Ms. Cara who went to work in Malaysia under the labor export policy.
But he refused to pay the loan: Even when workers borrowed under their own names, they still did not pay their loans. Saly is a worker returnee who went to Malaysia under the export labor policy via Latuco Company and completed her 3-year contract in an electronics factory in Johor with many other fellow Cham.
She had taken out the loan under her own name and said matter of factly: She is a year-old Cham Muslim worker returnee who went to work as export labor in Malaysia in She lamented about the hard life in Malaysia with a constant fear of robberies, which resonate with other female workers: I had to close my eyes and just worked for 3 years. I have no money to return home early [needed 10 million VND then]. We were very afraid. I cried day and night.
Then we women workers got together to discuss how to deal with this. After that he [the boss] raised our daily wage to 18 Ringgit [the original amount stated on the contract].
Because over there, we were so far away from our families, we considered each other as sisters. I analyze ways in which these religious practices are conducted in various ways: In Vietnam, the imam leader of congregational prayer is under the hakem, and a bilal someone who issues the call to prayer pp.
It was not his fault [My emphasis]. A Global Experience According to Nakamura , p. In , interviews with two informants suggest that learning the Quran can be mizan nus. The Cham Muslim Migrants … 33 interpreted as a form of migration and potential upward mobility. The Cham people respect and comply with the hierarchy of religious leaders and the clear gendered division of labor. In , I interviewed Mr. He explained to me the hierarchy of religious leaders in most Vietnamese mosques: One case shows that Islamic study can be used as a way to give service to their Muslim community in An Giang province.
One informant, Mr. Dam, a year-old man in Lama Ward, is an example. His Kinh father who was converted to Muslim after marrying a Cham woman constantly interjected during the interview.
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His father appears to be an imam. Dam had studied 9 years in various places: After 2 years of studying in Malaysia, he was forced to return home due to illness. So, now, he wants to complete his Islam study in Malaysia. The other case shows a more ambivalent motivation. Sam is a 24 years old, also in Lama Ward, and is an ambitious and religiously conservative young man. He was sponsored by Petronas to engage in Islamic study in Malaysia.
Religious Practices in Home and Host Countries Global labor migration can be a positive internal empowerment experience. Tran employers and the Cham workers. On the other hand, the Cham workers themselves have been proactive in asking for this right, as well as being flexible with their religious practices in order to survive. They told me that they prayed more times at home to make up for lost praying time at work.
They were also relaxed about the dress code; covering their heads when possible, and learned new Malaysian ways to wear their headscarves.
In the case of Ms. Saphi, after returning to Vietnam, she worked for a small Kinh enterprise as an inventory clerk. Saphi was very religious and had stood up to her Kinh employer back in An Giang in defense of her religious practices, succeeding in having two prayer times with pay at work: She shared her feeling as being the only Cham in this Kinh shop: I sympathize with them because they had not seen this before and did not know about this.
I found that there are more expressions of subjective than structural empowerment. Almost two decades after Vietnam joined the market economy there are examples of a return to their tradition—sewing and tailoring—but with creativity and global connections, such as the case of the young entrepreneur in La Ma village. However, more study is needed on the intent and implications of these religious groups for migrant workers there and when they return home.
The Cham Muslim Migrants … 35 the loan amounts. But in their own ways, the Cham returnees and their parents have fought back, refusing to repay these loans. The low skilled jobs in Malaysia did not prepare them to escape grinding poverty upon returning to their villages.
Religious practices provide example of internal empowerment and personal growth, in the cases of informants who fought for prayer privileges at work and religious studies abroad. The more accommodating relations between the Malay employers and the Cham Muslims—both in the factories and inside Malay households—suggest how religion can transcend ethnic differences.
More research is needed on this fascinating aspect of global labor migration. Returning to the issue of geographical agency as a response to the labor export policy effective since , I found that while the Cham have managed to sustain and reproduce their ways of life—as traders, migrant workers and religious scholars —they face risks as both men and women engage in their extra-local—across national borders and within Vietnam—journeys.
There are cases of harrowing escapes, fragmented family lives, and spousal separation. While these mobile Cham have gained some short-term successes as they weave their way through internal and external migration—mostly individually—their traditions have been put on trial during and after the labor export policy introduced by the Vietnamese government. Lian Kwen Fee and Mizanur Rahman have been steadfast on their comments and support of this edited volume.
Joe Lubow has provided excellent copy-editing assistance throughout the various stages of this manuscript. References Chin, C. Columbia University Press. Decree No. Retrieved November 11, from http: Tran Duy, Q. Export labor to Malaysia: Retrieved from http: Migrant networks: A summary and critique of relational approaches to international migration.
Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Guarnizo, L. The economics of transnational living. International Migration Review, 37 3 , — International Labor Organization. Safe migration: Recruitment agency rank promotes fair competition and better protect migrant workers. Hanoi, Vietnam: Policy brief: Irregular migration. Retrieved July from http: In Fleet, K. Brill Academic Publishers, Inc.
Retrieved October 12, from http: A new portrait of indentured labor: Vietnamese labor migration to Malaysia. Asian Journal of Social Science, 38, — Li, T. A View from the Sea: Perspectives on the Northern and Central Vietnamese Coast.
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37 1 , 83— Nakamura, R. The coming of Islam to champa. Accessed November 11, Export labor: Women in motion. Stanford University Press. Approval of the project supporting poor districts to promote labor export for sustainable poverty reduction in the period of Review of Vietnamese Migration Abroad. Retrieved October 11, from http: Migrants for export: How the Philippine state brokers labor to the world. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press.
Taylor, P. Economy in motion: Cham Muslim traders in the Mekong Delta. Cham Muslims of the Mekong Delta: Place and mobility in the cosmopolitan periphery. Nathan, Qld: Fighting to survive: Agency, empowerment and resistance of Vietnamese labor migration in Malaysia Unpublished manuscript. The Cham of Vietnam: History, society and art. Vietnam News. Returning workers need policy support, July 4, Forced Migration, Brief, no Retrieved March 25, from http: Washington, D.
Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved March, from https: A study of the Hoi giao religion in Vietnam: With a reference to Islamic religious practices of Cham Bani. Southeast Asian Studies, 1 3 , — One way to cope with such impermanence and develop a sense of belonging is to join voluntary associations and get involved in volunteer activities to support their less fortunate compatriots, such as domestic workers, who are more vulnerable to unfair treatment and abuses.
In this way, they create meaningful involvement in their diasporic lives and maintain their Filipino identity in a transnational setting. Keywords Filipino diaspora Middle-class identity! United Arab Emirates Arab Gulf states!
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The nurses, whose working hours are long and irregular, bring homemade Filipino dishes for those in the shelter who are waiting for their repatriation to the Philippines. After this psycho-socialisation program, the nurses hold meetings to discuss new fundraising initiatives and ways to coordinate their volunteer activities with the embassy staff and other Filipino voluntary associations. Hosoda Over Filipino associations are registered at the Philippine Embassy and the Philippine Consulate in Abu Dhabi and Dubai, respectively, and countless more unregistered ones exist.
The majority of the members of these associations are Filipino professionals. A number of recent studies on Filipino global migration have closely investi- gated the structural constraints imposed upon migrants. Other studies have inves- tigated the aspects of human agency that migrants demonstrate when carving out their own space, and still others have examined their sense of belonging in their host country, the Philippines, or both e.
She stressed that Filipina domestic workers around the world are denied full citizenship in their countries of residence. The Arab Gulf states employ a massive number of foreign workers from around the world.
She elucidated that middle class Indians in Dubai conceptualise different domains of belongingness, as they consider the economic sphere to be distinct from those of nation and culture. Therefore, in this paper, I address two questions in particular and analyse the practices and narratives of Filipino professionals engaged in volunteer activities. Second, how do they make sense of their enthusiasm for helping kawawa in the UAE?
In keeping with the professional practices of my discipline, I used pseudonyms to protect the identity of the participants. Hosoda 3. As a result of this accelerated influx of Filipinos, the estimated number of Filipinos temporarily residing in the UAE including OFWs and their families rose from , in to , in Commission on Filipinos Overseas In contrast to South Asians in the Emirates who began immigrating even before the oil boom to seek employment, ranging from merchants to labourers Gardner , Chap.
In fact, according to a study based on discourse analysis by the author on the sub-categories of Filipino residents in the UAE, they are broadly divided into: Once their employment seems stable, many of these workers bring their families to the UAE and stay for longer durations because UAE law permits foreign workers with a monthly salary over AED to sponsor their family members.
Their monthly salaries range from AED to In principle, these workers have a day off each week, but many work on their days off, or else take on part-time contract work elsewhere as a means of supplementing their income. Their educational back- grounds vary, but the average domestic worker is a high school graduate. Their working and living conditions vary depending on the attitude of their employers.
While some have one day off per week, others have no days off. No matter what their actual working conditions are, they cannot take their employers to the labour court because labour codes do not apply to domestic workers.
Moreover, working in a private house makes them highly vulnerable to various forms of violence. Based on the above description, Filipino professionals in the UAE seem to lead comfortable lives with a high salary compared to those in the Philippines. However, from their viewpoint, these gains are offset by legal and social restrictions.
This means that they have an extremely limited likelihood of acquiring citizenship, regardless of the length of time they have worked in the country.
A sponsorship system called kafala in Arabic controls all entries and sojourns of expatriates. Employers usually sponsor their respective expatriate workers, and their decisions regarding employment duration are authoritative.
Therefore, workers are restricted by the limits set by their employers.
In addition, migrants working in organisations are likely to experience the so-called racial hierarchy: Hosoda local citizens are at the top, followed by Westerners and Arabs, with Asians gen- erally situated in lower positions.
As an exception, non-Muslim believers can perform religious observances in several selected Christian churches Roman Catholic and Protestant and Hindu temples, built on lands leased free of charge by the emirs in the UAE. Even so, the congregations that built these temples and churches made clever use of devices such as architectural designs that are unrecognisable to outsiders as reli- gious facilities so that their gatherings do not offend the emirs and local citizens.
These organisations also provide a place for immigrants to seek some form of sociality and informal or ad hoc social security with co-ethnics. Filipino communities attached to local Catholic churches in destination countries have also played a pivotal role in organising Filipino immigrants in many parts of the world e.
Mateo ; Bonifacio and Angeles ; Fresnoza-Flot These two types of Filipino immigrant organisations tend to include Filipinos of all classes. As of September , 3 A number of studies e. Mednicoff ; Gardner ; Longva ; Owen have pointed out these legal and social practices in the Arab Gulf states which are described in this paragraph as discriminatory and problematic.
While the practices among the countries in this region vary and some Arab Gulf states have been reviewing part of such practices and changes have been made in some areas, we may still say that the overall structural constraints faced by migrants throughout the region remain quite similar.
Some of these associations were formed in the UAE, whereas others are chapters of larger organisations based primarily in the Philippines.
In addition to the registered associations, there are also umbrella organisations: The Philippine government fostered the formation of these umbrella organisations under its auspices with the cooperation of Filipino community leaders.
Umbrella organisations are composed of representa- tives from all registered associations and hold, among other things, regular meet- ings and large-scale annual celebrations of Philippine Independence Day.
Moreover, registered associations are allowed to hold their meetings and activities within the embassy or consulate compounds, where one can best avoid the many forms of surveillance of the host country.
If we compare Filipino associations in the UAE with those in the other major destination areas of Filipino migrants, we can highlight a few characteristic traits of Filipino associations in the UAE.
Second, in contrast to other destination countries where Filipino domestic workers are dominant, like Hong Kong, Italy and Israel e. This is not only because there are no political collective activities allowed in the Emirates, but also because a large number of domestic workers have no day off to congregate with fellow workers.
Members of these associations include both males and females who are mostly long-time residents—albeit contract workers—with families.
Sometimes they provide educational services such as job training, language classes and investment workshops. Many Filipinos join more than one association depending on accessibility to information and connections. While the aims of the associations differ from offering recreational activities to forming career organisations, a striking feature of Filipino associations in the UAE is that many are actively involved with charity and volunteer work, which includes both direct and indirect assistance to distressed Filipinos.
Indirect assistance refers to fundraising money 5 My research project colleagues Dr. Masako Ishii and Dr. Some association members engage in volunteer work with a high degree of commitment; there are Filipino professionals who are regularly contacted by compatriots seeking their advice or assistance.
They spend practically every minute of their free time on weekends with Filipinos in need, and pay for their own transportation costs. In some associations, members organise themselves to be involved in search and rescue missions of domestic workers abused by their employers Ishii These activities are highly risky; if discovered by the authorities, they may be jailed and deported.
Below, I explore the lives of pro- fessionals who regularly engage in volunteer work. It was founded in Abu Dhabi and registered at the Philippine Embassy in In the following years it has expanded to include Filipino nurses in other emirates.
Its main activities include monthly meetings, review classes for the board exam, sporting events and psycho-socialisation. The members also provide 6 In , nursing was the third most popular occupation among registered OFWs, next only to domestic workers and cleaners, and was the most popular occupation among professional and technical jobs Philippine Overseas Employment Administration Among the countries that nurses immigrate to, Saudi Arabia is the most popular country among new hires, followed by the UAE and other Arab Gulf states Philippine Overseas Employment Administration Other major destinations include East and Southeast Asia i.
Singapore, Taiwan and Europe i. Ireland, UK. The United States follows, but it is said that government statistics fail to record the majority of nurses who immigrate there. Hosoda homemade Filipino food at the end of sessions and sometimes visit Filipinos in UAE prisons as well. The FNAE members that I interviewed stressed that psycho-socialisation for domestic workers is especially meaningful to them. The case of Diana, a nurse in a large private hospital in Abu Dhabi, illustrates this point.
Like most Filipino nursing graduates who aspire to work abroad, Diana began working in Malaysia and then moved to Abu Dhabi in When her husband also found a job opportunity there, they decided to bring their daughter and rented a one-room apartment. After several years in Abu Dhabi, Diana had the opportunity to migrate with her family to the United States, the country she had long wanted to go.
On top of her volunteer activities at the church, she formed the FNAE. She explained her feelings regarding this group as follows: When I am doing psycho-socialisation for them other Filipinos in shelters or in jail, I feel I am far more fortunate than them.
You know, I am deadlocked here, but look, they are even worse! Kawawa naman so pitiful have lost everything. These feelings not only apply to me, but to all others participating in the program, and they feel good about what they are doing. These activities also lead to stronger family unity.
Diana in Abu Dhabi on 25 February The second group consists of those who are married and are currently in their mids and over. They have resided in the UAE or Saudi Arabia for more than ten years and wish to stay there until retirement. Another problem that they mentioned was an alarming number of fellow Filipino nurses caught in credit card loan traps. Both the UAE and Philippine governments agree that the employment of Filipino nurses in the Emirates is contractual, that is to say, only temporary.
Nursing in the Philippine context has historically been a profession chosen for the purpose of seeking employment abroad, especially in the United States,11 and in the recent years enrolment in nursing courses has boomed Hosoda Due to this high salary standard and opportunities to emigrate to the United States or other countries, as many as , students were enrolled in the department of nursing, which is the most popular department in the Philippines Sato and Carlos , See also news reports: Hosoda its high tuition fees in comparison with other courses.
This increase was driven by the strong demand for Filipino nurses overseas since the late s, although this demand weakened somewhat in the late s. Another option for Filipino professionals including nurses to earn income upon returning to the Philippines from overseas is to start their own business.
However, there are extremely few cases of OFWs becoming successful entrepreneurs in their homeland Asis and Baggio , 11— If given this chance, many do migrate and obtain citizenship with the hope of integrating their families there or inviting family members to come in the future, sometimes despite the fact that their pro- fessional status or job category is downgraded e.
However, others refrain from these opportunities and remain in the UAE, as was the case with Diana. Below is a summary of the responses I received from my interviews with members of the FNAE on their perceptions of the three main destination countries for nurses currently working in the UAE.
The UAE has advantages over the other countries, such as a good salary and lifestyle compared with the Philippines , less crime and vices e. However, after staying in the country for several years, they realised the compar- ative advantages of the UAE over other nations to which they had planned to migrate, as shown above, and decided to remain in the UAE for as long as they were employed.
It is noteworthy to comment on the value that these nurses place on the lack of assimilation or social integration policy in the UAE. There are several factors which may influence the views of middle class Filipinos towards their working class counterparts.
The UAE foreign labour employment policy equally influences the situations of both middle class Filipinos and Filipina domestic workers, regardless of their differences in class and occupation; they are all temporary workers under the kafala sponsorship system.
These commonalities between middle class and domestic workers, coupled with the fact that they are a minority group in the UAE, may bring the psychological distance between these two groups closer in the UAE than in their home country. The sense of moral obligation is another factor that induces professionals to engage in volunteer work for their less fortunate compatriots. In a new variation on the Fischer indole synthesis, readily available haloarenes are. Mimesis culture art society pdf.
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